English Support?

We have to convince these Brits to get behind us, they want our cotton and we need more troops. It's no secret, we're outnumbered. It's true our southern boys have the experience and rifles to shoot any slow moving terrible shot northerners, but a little more support won't hurt.

Just check out this Harpers article. They don't want to make enemies of the entire country, so they want to pick a side! It has to be the south!
No more british jokes, don't make fun of those stupid wigs and ridiculous shoes...yes their teeth are bad, and their food, but it has to be better than being ruled by Lincoln and his cronies.

HARPER'S WEEKLY. SATURDAY, MAY 24, 1862. MR. GLADSTONE AND THE ENGLISH. MR. GLADSTONE, Chancellor of the British Exchequer, and a leading member of the Palmerston Cabinet, has lately attempted, in a public speech, to show that the contempt which the course of the English with regard to this country has aroused among liberal people of all nations is unjust and unmerited. He admits that Great Britain has sympathized with the Southern rebels. This he justifies, first, on the ground once taken by Earl Russell, that the North is contending for power, the South for independence; and secondly, because it would have been impolitic for England to have made enemies of 8,000,000 Southerners (whereof 4,000,000 are negro slaves) by sympathizing with the North. Mr. Gladstone's first reason can be disposed of in very few words. The North is not contending for power, but for national unity; and the South is not contending for independence—for it was independent before the contest, and will be just as independent after it has been whipped back into the Union. Southern independence has never been imperiled for a moment. There is, in fact, no such thing as Northern or Southern independence. The whole Union is alike independent. The present generation of Southerners will never forgive England for having declined to break the blockade; and at the North the anti-English feeling was never so universal. In trying to curry favor with 8,000,000 of our people, the English have made enemies of 30,000,000. It is very sad, and we heartily wish it were otherwise; but the fact is, that there is probably no other point on which so many Americans are thoroughly agreed at the present moment as in cordial hatred of the English. Mr. Gladstone's speech leads us to believe that it is hardly necessary to explain why this feeling exists. The British conscience admits its justice. When the sword was forced into our hands by the madness of the Southern rebels, we had every reason to believe that, of all foreign nations, England would be sure to sympathize with us in our troubles. We were her best customer and closest ally. We were menaced with national ruin by an institution of which she was the uncompromising foe. It was evident that our success would fatally weaken, as our failure would mightily strengthen slavery, and England was the leading anti-slavery power in the world. The best feeling existed between the two nations; the Prince of Wales had just received, in this country, an ovation as brilliant as that which was granted to Lafayette nearly thirty years ago—the only place which constituted an exception to the general rule of civility and respect being the rebel capital—Richmond. Yet when the war actually broke out, England did every thing she could do to assist the rebels short of actually declaring war upon us. With indecent haste she recognized the Confederate States as belligerents the very day before Mr. Adams arrived in England. Her newspapers, great and small, with a few bright exceptions, elaborately decried us and vaunted the rebel cause. They derided our army, sneered at our navy, strove vigorously to break down our credit; while, in the same breath, they lauded the rebels, talked of the chivalry of their soldiers, the sagacity of their leaders, and the utter impossibility of subjugating such a people. From being furious abolitionists, they became mild apologists for slavery. Nor was this sort of thing confined to the press. Lord John Russell, Foreign Secretary, gravely injured our cause in the eyes of the world by announcing that we were fighting for power against the poor Southerners, who were struggling for freedom; comparing us, as it were, to Austria, and the rebels to Hungary. Lord Palmerston, Prime Minister, hoped that we would see the folly of our policy, and submit to what Jeff Davis wanted. Lord Stanley, Cabinet Minister, deemed our enterprise utterly hopeless. Mr. Gladstone, Cabinet Minister, justifies England's sympathy with the rebels. As in word, so in deed.